On February 24, 1895, the fight against Spanish colonialism was restarted in Cuba, a war necessary for the Caribbean island whose victory was snatched by the intervention of the United States.
At the beginning of 1895 there was an evidently insurrectional atmosphere in Cuba. In the years 1893 and 1894, Jose Marti, the main organizer of this feat, visited several countries in America and cities in the United States, to unite the main leaders of the 1868 War among themselves and with the youngest, to collect resources for the new war.
From mid-1894 Jose Marti accelerated the preparations for the so-called Fernandina Plan, with which he intended to promote a short war, without great wear and tear for the Cubans.
On December 8, 1894, together with Colonels Mayia Rodriguez, representing Maximo Gomez and Enrique Collazo, on behalf of the island’s patriots, he drafted and signed the uprising plan in Cuba.
The plan was discovered by the Spanish authorities and consequently all the military and logistical material gathered was seized. Despite the great setback that this meant, Marti decided to go ahead with the plans for armed pronouncements on the island, which was supported by all the main leaders of the previous wars and that setback, far from intimidating them, raised their revolutionary spirit.
Cuba was submerged in an economic crisis, tempered by the misappropriation of budgets and a high and hard tax policy by the Spanish crown.
On the other hand, Cubans lacked political rights, even to hold positions in the government. In that scenario, political parties appeared that opposed the independence of Cuba.
Faced with the loss of economic control, the Spanish crown raised the tone of the repression, describe notes from the time.
In this context, social ills grew, but at the same time subjective conditions were present such as the presence of José Marti as leader, a leading force such as that of the Cuban Revolutionary Party, and a high consciousness of the masses that maintained their independence ideals.
The revolutionary situation produced in 1895 in Cuba was expressed in the sharpening of Cuba-Spain contradictions.
Marti ordered a consultation of deep political significance: the election of the General in Chief of the Liberation Army, and on August 18, 1984, the Dominican Maximo Gomez was unanimously elected.
As the scholars of that historical period have pointed out, this was a generalized opinion among the emigrants and on the island that without the participation of the valuable warrior, the complete success of a new battle was impossible.
The task demanded maximum stealth, since they were, for the most part, in the territory occupied by the enemy.
Along the way, disagreements arose on tactical aspects and there were moments of misunderstanding, but all difficulties were smoothed out by the force of shared principles.
The war broke out on February 24, 1895 and although many historians assure that its beginning was in the town of Baire, -therefore it is always remembered as the Grito de Baire-, other experts assert that the uprising occurred simultaneously in various points of the national geography.
This feat – although superior in various aspects to the Ten Years’ War (1868-1878) – had once again the misfortune that errors of that campaign were repeated, such as the lack of unity among the military leaders, something United States took advantage of.
The lack of consensus among the leaders of the campaign made it possible for United States to find a gap to annihilate the representative bodies of the Cuban nation. There was also the loss of unifying political-military leaders such as Antonio Maceo and Jose Marti, who perished on the battlefield.
The United States contemplated for 30 years the struggle of the Cuban people, and made an effort to seize the largest of the Antilles and made it clear when it prevented the entry of the mambisas (insurrectionary) troops to Santiago de Cuba and with the Treaty of Paris, which ended the so-called Spanish-Cuban-American war.
However, the restart of the war on February 24, 1895 and its entire trajectory served as teaching for later times from the political-military point of view, especially regarding the need for a single command.
In another order, many became aware that the forecasts of the Master, as Marti is also known, were valid for Cuba and the rest of Latin America, since he knew in time to understand the danger that the northern giant represented for the peoples of the continent.